Can UN fulfil the Burmese promise?
The Nation, Monday, November 29, 1993

Aung Zaw comments on the recent visit of the UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights to Burma.
 
Professor Yozo Yokota, a UN human rights investigator sent by the Geneva-based UN commission on Human Rights, has finished his visit to Burma and Karen refugees camps.

On the day of his departure to Thailand, the BBC World Service broadcasted that Yokata, a Japanese national, was very upset at being denied a visit with the most prominent leader and Nobel laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has bee under house arrest since 1989.

Moreover, he has submitted the list of political detainees who are currently being detained in jail but the ruling Rangoon military junta, the State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc) allowed him to meet only Tin U, Chairman of the National League for democracy (NLD), and another political prisoner who was unknown.

But diplomatic sources in Rangoon added, however, that, “Yokota met Dr Aung Khin Sint, and NLD MP and delegate to the Slorc-sponsored National Convention, who was sentenced to 20 years imprisonment in mid-October of this year.

Yokota also went to view Insein Prison, inspected a 50-bed hospital and met with recently released political prisoners.”

According to Yokota, conditions in the jail have improved, but he did not elaborate on the number of prisoners with whom he met and talked. A report form BBC likewise announced that the buildings inside the prison had recently been painted and cleaned­just as last year, when Yokota was in Burma to see some prisoners working in jail, and noted that new vegetables and flowers had been planted, and in viewing deserted dormitories that facilities inside Insein Prison had been freshly painted.

He was not allowed, however, to see any of the detainees whom he had requested to meet, according to a United Nations report on February 17, 1993, which was released after Yokota left Burma. This current visit marks the third investigation conducted by Yokota to report on the human rights situation in Burma.

Last year the UN reported, concerning the human rights situation in Burma, that, “violations of human rights in Myanmar ( Burma)… remain extremely serious, in particular concerning the practice of torture, summary and arbitrary execution, forced labour, including forced portering for the military, abuse of women, politically motivated arrests and detention… important restrictions on the exercise of fundamental freedoms and the imposition of oppressive measures directed, in particular, at minority groups.”

The UN strongly urged Slorc, moreover “to restore full respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms.” While Yokota was in Burma last year, he met Slorc’s powerful leader, First Secretary Khin Nyunt.

Khin Nyunt told Yokota that the stories about torture and ill-treatment were untrue, and at that time suggested that Yokota should observe the Mayor’s (foot) marathon and traditional boat regatta. Demonstrating that the Burmese people were enjoying that event enthusiastically, he added that “This event was not put on to coincide with Yokota’s visit.”

As many people guess, this time when Khin Nyunt received Yokota in Rangoon, he may already have told the UN human rights investigator to go and observe the Traditional Equestrian Festival which had been held in Rangoon recently. Some observers in Rangoon said that this festival is, in fact, one of the social activities of Khin Nyunt’s which is used to gain the support of the people, while at once depicting the situation there as joyous and tranquil.

This recent visit, however, did see “some improvements”, Yokota himself said at Rangoon Airport just before he left the Thailand via the Burmese border­to which destination he was headed in order to view Burmese refugees and opposition groups. On November 19, he went to Karen refugee camps along the Thai-Burma border (Northern Province). The Karen have been fighting for home rule for decades and show no sign of agreeing to Slorc’s so-called peace task unless it first releases opposition leaders, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and to hold the talks in third country under UN supervision.

On 14 December, 1992, during last year’s visit, Yokota sent a letter of protest to U Ohn Gyaw, Foreign Minister, concerning the fact that he had been denied visiting privileges by Slorc, and the some people in Rangoon who wanted to make contact with him had been threatened and warned by Military Intelligence Service not to do so.

Many observers will be wondering, how many Burmese are allowed to meet with the Special Rapporteur without Slorc’s supervision?

There are, of course, many Burmese looking forward to Yokota’s trip in order to see him but how many people are being warned not to see him? So far, it is obvious that Slorc do not feel confident in letting the Burmese people meet with Yokota, but instead threaten against it. An opposition group based at the border said recently that, “If Slorc has a conscience, they will let the people to participate in a meeting with Yokota.”

As for Burma becoming a free democratic country: Will it be possible for Burmese to see and enjoy Burma as a free democratic nation under the current military regime?

The reality of the current political predicament is the freedom and peace for the Burmese people is still far off. Many Burmese who migrated or fled to free democratic countries around the world fret continuously over Burma’s future under Slorc.

One of their concerns is, to what extent will the current Burmese military leadership grasp the major issue of Burmese human rights?

The military leaders: they were sergeants and corporals before they became generals; they have only high school education or less, and according to US Burma scholar David Steinberg, only four Slorc members have university degrees or their equivalent.

It is understandable, then, that the Burmese should worry over their country’s future. The previous, and first, boss of Slorc, General Saw Maung­who had “gone mad” in 1992­earlier said that, “we have a Myanmar way to democracy and human rights.”

Ironically, “during the 1988 democracy summer of killing unarmed demonstrators, arbitrary arrest, torture, gang rape, forced labour, banning of opposition parties, non-acceptance of the 1990 election results and , of course, continuous violation…” were all ordered by Slorc.

Will human rights specialists around the world thus need to research “the Myanmar way to human rights” and so add more new facts to their books?

Some Burma watchers wonder, what role should the UN play with respect to Burma? Will the UN condemn Slorc’s continuous human rights abuses in Burma?

If so, will that be enough action for Burma? Many People, including some Burma observers, doubt that the UN is willing to go beyond that step.

Will the Slorc which has been occupying Burma illegally for five years pay very much attention to such condemnation?

While that is yet impossible to know, will the UN view favorably the call by some Burma campaigners for sanctions and arms embargoes against Slorc? Or, alternatively, will it be pleased with Rangoon’s “developments”?

In their case, UN is a dubious instrument of salvation for Burmese hostages seeking to be freed­and, ultimately, there is little one can do, except to continue to observe how the UN will bargain with Slorc.
 
This article appeared in The Nation newspaper, Monday, November 29, 1993.